Introduction
The context of construction for this paper is relatively simple and focuses on a personal need to bring one area of life to a close while opening the door to another. Three years of academic study of Youth & Community work – often related to a Northern Irish context – in England is concluding, while a career in that profession combined with further study beckons. Therefore a need for the author to fully understand the circumstances in which Northern Ireland resides in 2010. It is also intended that this paper will form the basis of the next period of academic study, further pursuing the issues and history which are touched on briefly in this paper.
To achieve the above, the important historical events which created and shaped the secular communities of Northern Ireland will be analysed and critically discussed. Using arguably the most important document of Anglo-Irish politics, it will be seen how secular has become singular, however is still challenged by the socio-religio-cultural web of influence which has been present. This paper is not placed to answer the questions of what went on previously, perhaps that is a discussion for the future. It will however, analyse key events, people and organisations in respect to the culture, politics and religions of Northern Ireland in order to link it to Community Work’s past failings. Once this has been achieved, recommendations will be drawn out, set out for all interested and engaged parties to see what a viable pathway for development is.
The Northern Ireland Context & Community Power
The history of Northern Ireland since it’s conception in 1921 is laden with key events, both positive but often negative. Such is the complexities of the community framework; these historical events have been instigated on very different but interrelated realms, including the influences of; political parties; religious sects; cultural organisations; community & residents groups; the British & Irish governments; international leaders and paramilitary organisations.
When attempting to analyse where our current facet of community has come from, it’s important to look at more recent key events rather than delving into the deep rooted past of over twenty years ago. This said, context remains important, and will be primarily called into question to understand developments of the society.
On the 30th of January, 1972 (Museum of Free Derry; 2005), thirteen men were shot dead by the British Army in Londonderry while taking part in Civil Rights Movement march which had been banned. While many believe these actions – and others relating to the social mobilisation of Catholics in this period – by the British Army to be the conception of thirty years of violence in Northern Ireland (Probert; 1978), the march itself was part of a wider series of events organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) (Widgery, Lord; 1972) who were organising against the corruption of a majority protestant local government (Minahan, J.B; 2000 & Lydon, J; 1998) lead by Faulkner. Prior to this in 1970, born out of the uprising of ill-feelings from the nationalist community, the Provisional IRA was created, a ruthless band of militants preparing to take the British State to account with the use of force (McCreary; 1975, Probert; 1978). There has indeed been a number of positive examples of community power coming into action within the country such as The Peace People led by 1976 Nobel Peace Prize winners Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan (Nobel Web AB; 2010 & Peacepeople.com; no date). As the example of the NICRA shows, it can often be overshadowed by the violent acts surrounding it. The NICRA movement and that key march in Londonderry, in personal opinion, must be accredited massively with being the catalyst of change against a corrupt Protestant majority oppressing a Catholic minority. Instead, it is memorialised – and rightly so – by many due to the losses and violence it suffered, and accused by some in the loyalist community as being trouble makers who deserved what they got. Wilson (1998) We will never know if NICRA’s peaceful means could have brought down the Northern Ireland government, rather than it being dissolved into direct rule due to the violent crisis in which the British Government had to be seen to be dealing with swiftly and effective. It is the opinion of this paper that it would have achieved this in a peaceful manner, however the timescale would have been much longer and the struggle against the sectarian government at Stormont much greater.
The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement
Many believe The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) was only born out of talks taking place in Stormont from the new year of 1998 up until Easter, however this is a misconception. Many commentators (Craig, J; 2002, Morton, A; 2009) suggest the roots of the GFA where planted at the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1984. Personal feelings sugesst that the Downing Street talks of 1991 and the subsequent risks taken by John Hulme was the catalyst for change. Simply put; there can be little argument against the fact that the events of 1991 sparked a change in paramilitary circles, leading the IRA and Loyalist Ceasefires of 1994. For the first time in almost thirty years, the people of Northern Ireland faced a minimal level of conflict, albeit briefly.
The British Governments acceptance of Sinn Fein lead to a change of psyche within republican circles, and was a long way from the voice bans of the Thatcher years only three years prior (BBC News; 2005). Republicans were accepted into the political talks with British government officials, which not only angered unionists, but hard line republicans in the process as well, in the end, forcing a split which resulted in the Real IRA. It would be foolish to say that this was a cataclysmic event in republican communities, however the choices which the Loyalist and Unionist community of Northern Ireland were about to face would be much more demanding. In personal opinion, the key event which directly led to the development of the GFA was the democratically elected ‘Northern Ireland Forum’ of 1996 (Whyte, N; 2003). This was the first major step towards devolved, cross community government by getting political representatives from all sides of the divide to begin communicating with each other.
The Changing Face: Pre-GFA Community Work
In majority Catholic areas, “Concerned Resident’s Groups” received a large amount of publicity by the press surrounding their objections to Loyal Order parades through their areas. These received a lot of criticism in Loyalist circles, as often there would be a distinct connection to Sinn Fein as well as the ‘chairperson’ of many of these groups being found to be not from these areas. A well known example is that of the Garvaghy Road, were Brendan McKenna was leader of the local residents group in protesting against Portadown Orange Lodge’s demands to walk down that particular road (BBC News; 2007). While being leader of this particular residents group in Portadown, he was a resident of West Belfast, over thirty miles away.
Where community work in republican areas have always been associated closely with Sinn Fein, in loyalist areas, the links have not been with political organisations, but more with the paramilitary groups associated with the ‘policing’ of the local area. Of course there have been aligned Political parties such as The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), and to an extent historically, Ian Paisleys’ Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) were closely aligned to the loyalist workers movements of the 1980′s and was seen as the face of the Ulster Workers Council strike of 1974 due to his opposing of the Sunningdale Agreement (BBC News; no date, Probert; 1978). Indeed, Paisley is regarded as the godfather of Ulster Loyalism and the face of Northern Irish Politics, his famous speech in November 1985 cemented his legacy and outlined the depth of opposition felt towards a more extensive agreement, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which Prime Minister Thatcher supported due to wanting to create better links between Britain and the Republic of Ireland. In this renowned speech to over 100,000 people at Belfast City Hall, Reverend Paisley stated;
“I want to ask a question today. And the question is simple. Where do the terrorists operate from? From the Irish Republic! That’s where they come from! Where do the terrorists return to for Sanctuary? To the Irish Republic! And yet Mrs. Thatcher tells us that that Republic must have some say in our province! We say NEVER, NEVER, NEVER, NEVER!!”
(Youtube.com; 2009).
This is not to say that the paramilitary’s themselves were openly the face of community work, rather it was well known names of the organisations or ex-members being seen in the press as ‘community workers’ (BBC News; 2009). Grass-roots, front line community workers have a great deal of scepticism surrounding them due to this, and it will take a lot before the general public will be won over by the profession.
The Good Friday Agreement and Community Work
Although not totally explicit in its intentions, The Good Friday Agreement does make quite a number of references to Community Work, particularly in respect to reconciliation initiatives (Northern Ireland Office; 1998). In respect to institutions which would be established; The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission would have a “…membership from Northern Ireland reflecting the community balance…” (Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity – Human Rights -Section 5); Equality Commission to replace four sub-commissions (Section 6) and discussions to further consider a dedicated Department
Tags: Academic Study, Changing, Changing Face, commentary, Community, Community Framework, Complexities, critical, Critical Commentary, Culture Politics, Face, Further Study, History Of Northern Ireland, Importance, Important Historical Events, Influence, Irelands', Irish Context, Irish Politics, Northern, Northern Irelands, Pathway, Personal Need, political, Political Parties, Political Sphere, Religions, Secular Communities, Singular, sphere, Sphere Of Influence, Work
A critical commentary of Northern Irelands’ changing face of Community Work and the importance of the political sphere of influence
November 20th, 2010 by Admin | No Comments | Filed in CommunicationIntroduction
The context of construction for this paper is relatively simple and focuses on a personal need to bring one area of life to a close while opening the door to another. Three years of academic study of Youth & Community work – often related to a Northern Irish context – in England is concluding, while a career in that profession combined with further study beckons. Therefore a need for the author to fully understand the circumstances in which Northern Ireland resides in 2010. It is also intended that this paper will form the basis of the next period of academic study, further pursuing the issues and history which are touched on briefly in this paper.
To achieve the above, the important historical events which created and shaped the secular communities of Northern Ireland will be analysed and critically discussed. Using arguably the most important document of Anglo-Irish politics, it will be seen how secular has become singular, however is still challenged by the socio-religio-cultural web of influence which has been present. This paper is not placed to answer the questions of what went on previously, perhaps that is a discussion for the future. It will however, analyse key events, people and organisations in respect to the culture, politics and religions of Northern Ireland in order to link it to Community Work’s past failings. Once this has been achieved, recommendations will be drawn out, set out for all interested and engaged parties to see what a viable pathway for development is.
The Northern Ireland Context & Community Power
The history of Northern Ireland since it’s conception in 1921 is laden with key events, both positive but often negative. Such is the complexities of the community framework; these historical events have been instigated on very different but interrelated realms, including the influences of; political parties; religious sects; cultural organisations; community & residents groups; the British & Irish governments; international leaders and paramilitary organisations.
When attempting to analyse where our current facet of community has come from, it’s important to look at more recent key events rather than delving into the deep rooted past of over twenty years ago. This said, context remains important, and will be primarily called into question to understand developments of the society.
On the 30th of January, 1972 (Museum of Free Derry; 2005), thirteen men were shot dead by the British Army in Londonderry while taking part in Civil Rights Movement march which had been banned. While many believe these actions – and others relating to the social mobilisation of Catholics in this period – by the British Army to be the conception of thirty years of violence in Northern Ireland (Probert; 1978), the march itself was part of a wider series of events organised by the Northern Ireland Civil Rights Association (NICRA) (Widgery, Lord; 1972) who were organising against the corruption of a majority protestant local government (Minahan, J.B; 2000 & Lydon, J; 1998) lead by Faulkner. Prior to this in 1970, born out of the uprising of ill-feelings from the nationalist community, the Provisional IRA was created, a ruthless band of militants preparing to take the British State to account with the use of force (McCreary; 1975, Probert; 1978). There has indeed been a number of positive examples of community power coming into action within the country such as The Peace People led by 1976 Nobel Peace Prize winners Betty Williams and Mairead Corrigan (Nobel Web AB; 2010 & Peacepeople.com; no date). As the example of the NICRA shows, it can often be overshadowed by the violent acts surrounding it. The NICRA movement and that key march in Londonderry, in personal opinion, must be accredited massively with being the catalyst of change against a corrupt Protestant majority oppressing a Catholic minority. Instead, it is memorialised – and rightly so – by many due to the losses and violence it suffered, and accused by some in the loyalist community as being trouble makers who deserved what they got. Wilson (1998) We will never know if NICRA’s peaceful means could have brought down the Northern Ireland government, rather than it being dissolved into direct rule due to the violent crisis in which the British Government had to be seen to be dealing with swiftly and effective. It is the opinion of this paper that it would have achieved this in a peaceful manner, however the timescale would have been much longer and the struggle against the sectarian government at Stormont much greater.
The Good Friday (Belfast) Agreement
Many believe The Good Friday Agreement (GFA) was only born out of talks taking place in Stormont from the new year of 1998 up until Easter, however this is a misconception. Many commentators (Craig, J; 2002, Morton, A; 2009) suggest the roots of the GFA where planted at the signing of the Anglo-Irish Agreement in 1984. Personal feelings sugesst that the Downing Street talks of 1991 and the subsequent risks taken by John Hulme was the catalyst for change. Simply put; there can be little argument against the fact that the events of 1991 sparked a change in paramilitary circles, leading the IRA and Loyalist Ceasefires of 1994. For the first time in almost thirty years, the people of Northern Ireland faced a minimal level of conflict, albeit briefly.
The British Governments acceptance of Sinn Fein lead to a change of psyche within republican circles, and was a long way from the voice bans of the Thatcher years only three years prior (BBC News; 2005). Republicans were accepted into the political talks with British government officials, which not only angered unionists, but hard line republicans in the process as well, in the end, forcing a split which resulted in the Real IRA. It would be foolish to say that this was a cataclysmic event in republican communities, however the choices which the Loyalist and Unionist community of Northern Ireland were about to face would be much more demanding. In personal opinion, the key event which directly led to the development of the GFA was the democratically elected ‘Northern Ireland Forum’ of 1996 (Whyte, N; 2003). This was the first major step towards devolved, cross community government by getting political representatives from all sides of the divide to begin communicating with each other.
The Changing Face: Pre-GFA Community Work
In majority Catholic areas, “Concerned Resident’s Groups” received a large amount of publicity by the press surrounding their objections to Loyal Order parades through their areas. These received a lot of criticism in Loyalist circles, as often there would be a distinct connection to Sinn Fein as well as the ‘chairperson’ of many of these groups being found to be not from these areas. A well known example is that of the Garvaghy Road, were Brendan McKenna was leader of the local residents group in protesting against Portadown Orange Lodge’s demands to walk down that particular road (BBC News; 2007). While being leader of this particular residents group in Portadown, he was a resident of West Belfast, over thirty miles away.
Where community work in republican areas have always been associated closely with Sinn Fein, in loyalist areas, the links have not been with political organisations, but more with the paramilitary groups associated with the ‘policing’ of the local area. Of course there have been aligned Political parties such as The Progressive Unionist Party (PUP), and to an extent historically, Ian Paisleys’ Democratic Unionist Party (DUP) were closely aligned to the loyalist workers movements of the 1980′s and was seen as the face of the Ulster Workers Council strike of 1974 due to his opposing of the Sunningdale Agreement (BBC News; no date, Probert; 1978). Indeed, Paisley is regarded as the godfather of Ulster Loyalism and the face of Northern Irish Politics, his famous speech in November 1985 cemented his legacy and outlined the depth of opposition felt towards a more extensive agreement, the Anglo-Irish Agreement, which Prime Minister Thatcher supported due to wanting to create better links between Britain and the Republic of Ireland. In this renowned speech to over 100,000 people at Belfast City Hall, Reverend Paisley stated;
“I want to ask a question today. And the question is simple. Where do the terrorists operate from? From the Irish Republic! That’s where they come from! Where do the terrorists return to for Sanctuary? To the Irish Republic! And yet Mrs. Thatcher tells us that that Republic must have some say in our province! We say NEVER, NEVER, NEVER, NEVER!!”
(Youtube.com; 2009).
This is not to say that the paramilitary’s themselves were openly the face of community work, rather it was well known names of the organisations or ex-members being seen in the press as ‘community workers’ (BBC News; 2009). Grass-roots, front line community workers have a great deal of scepticism surrounding them due to this, and it will take a lot before the general public will be won over by the profession.
The Good Friday Agreement and Community Work
Although not totally explicit in its intentions, The Good Friday Agreement does make quite a number of references to Community Work, particularly in respect to reconciliation initiatives (Northern Ireland Office; 1998). In respect to institutions which would be established; The Northern Ireland Human Rights Commission would have a “…membership from Northern Ireland reflecting the community balance…” (Rights, Safeguards and Equality of Opportunity – Human Rights -Section 5); Equality Commission to replace four sub-commissions (Section 6) and discussions to further consider a dedicated Department
Tags: Academic Study, Changing, Changing Face, commentary, Community, Community Framework, Complexities, critical, Critical Commentary, Culture Politics, Face, Further Study, History Of Northern Ireland, Importance, Important Historical Events, Influence, Irelands', Irish Context, Irish Politics, Northern, Northern Irelands, Pathway, Personal Need, political, Political Parties, Political Sphere, Religions, Secular Communities, Singular, sphere, Sphere Of Influence, Work